In this book Elizabeth Warnock Fernea writes from a first hand perspective of her travels in rural Iraq, and her daily experiences with the people that she there encountered. Living alongside her husband, an anthropologist, Fernea’s main focus was the lifestyles of the various women of the village.
The author’s natural curiosity, as well as that of the villagers, led her to observe a variety of important activities in the life of an Iraqi Shiite Muslim.
Adept at catching the nuances of the people’s custom’s, she begins by describing the abayah; the nuisance of not only adapting to the custom, but donning the garment at every male’s approach. She also highlights the advantages it provided that the West seldom took into consideration.
From there she moved on to the natural mannerisms and attitudes of the people and how these either shaped her personal view or that of the person she was interacting with at the time. Her first example is in the character of the family’s servant, Mohammed, who is a Sayid and the author’s only male contact throughout the day, with the exception of her husband. Fernea described Mohammed as a socially responsible person who took pride not only in his ancestry, but in his guidance of local customs through directives in both body language and gentle coaxing.
One of Fernea’s main themes throughout the book is that of the difference in gender roles that commonly lend the wrong impression to those from the West. While it is more common for a woman to have a more hidden role in the community; that does not mean she does not have powerful influence over the men around her.
Through experience’s with the sheikh’s wives, Mohammed’s mother and many other women during her stay Fernea learned to not only properly act herself, but also the importance of these customs in each individual’s life, regardless of their sex.
A woman would commonly be in charge of insuring guests of every importance received the proper welcome for their status; the correct raising of children; attending to the needs of the husband, and thus ensuring happiness and peace in the home; preparations for the holy days; and the marriage of sons and daughters alike, regardless of age or whether it was a first or second wife for her son.
Along with these great responsibilities there were certain stigmas, rules, and regulations tied to the sex. While the younger generations were more “liberal” in their dress and choice of traditional vanities, all women carried a considerable load with the combination of tradition and work.
Usually seen as the soul cause of infertility or the lack of male heirs, women who were not “blessed” with one or more sons were often worn down both physically and emotionally by multiple pregnancies, miscarriages, and still births, and they could also be socially ostracized to varying degrees depending on their initial community status and that or her husband. These women ran the risk of being divorced, abandoned, or replaced by second wives that were seen as being more fertile than the first.
Women were also expected to accept the difficulties of a marriage as their lot in life regardless of whether they were happy or safe in these circumstances. Removed from society by tradition women were allowed to gather in large groups only during major holy fests where is was their right to request to either attend or hold a kraya. These events lead by female spiritual leaders called, mullahs, were passionate a re-telling of the murder of the martyr Hussein and could be followed by a reading from the Koran if the hostess had been taught to read, but more often they would officially end after the mullah had read her required readings from her book of krayas. These events served as much anticipated and needed social outlets for women that devoted their life to the welfare of their family.
Fernea showed through her visitations to sheikhs, different wive’s recounting their husbands lives, and her own observations, as well as that of her husbands that women were not alone in possessing large work loads. Men were frequently tied to the will of the land and a difficult growing season or harvest could bring more difficult work with little profit to show for the effort. These men would be forced o find jobs in cities to provide for their often large extended families. This could cause harsh living conditions for a man who out of tradition and affection shoulders the responsibility of his extended family. Men who have to travel to distant cities for work may not be able to return for many months and only send the cash back to the family he had to leave behind.
There were special filial responsibilities to Sheiks and other traditional rulers that expect to be paid homage during holidays each year. They were also expected to deal with guests and businessmen as the head of the family’s household. At times standing to gain or lose depending on the situation and who was being attended to as a guest.
On the other hand their more open role in society allowed them the benefit of being freely accepted and they had the comfort of their home to return to after a trying day, where women would have previously prepared and readied the household in preparation for his return. Possessing this role allowed men to more freely choose for themselves, though tradition and family were very likely to play a major role in any decision making.
In the end, both genders held heavy responsibilities, and while one may have looked weighty in one light the other may have the same quality ay a certain given time. The prescribed details and patterns of life flowed into a daily routine of joy and sorrow, just as it does for the rest of the world.
Looking into the social circumstances of those who lived this rural life it is easy to catch the relationships that exist between cause and effect, and how such circumstances exist in more than just this part of the world. Using my own culture as an example it is simple to name off the rural Midwestern people who are religious and live their life conservatively; the women existing for the home and family and the men living each day in their job longing for the moment when they can return home to the comfort of familiarity and warmth.
14 September 2005
The Modern History of Jordan
Traditionally, Jordan has a long history among travelers and the Bedouin who have used the trade and pilgrimage routes that criss-cross the country, following the natural contours of the land, for centuries. To those traveling from Arabia present day Jordan was known as masharif al-Sham – The approaches of Syria. To those traveling back towards the peninsula the land was called masharif al-Hijaz – The approaches of the Hijaz.
One trail to the west followed the outline of the mountains of the Hijaz to reach Syria through Maan; while another followed the coast of the Hijaz and passed through Aqaba before reaching Maan. It was at this point that these two trails formed the infamous, “Kings Highway,” or Via Nova Trajana to the Romans. In Islamic times this route was part of what came to be known as Darb al-Hajj or Tariq al-Hajj – The pilgrimage road taken yearly by the faithful to Damascus on their way to Mecca.
The capital of Jordan, Amman, began its modern day revolution in 1908 when it became a main station in the Hijaz Railway that had been newly created by the Ottoman Turks to make pilgrimage route more accessible from Damascus to Medina.
Bearing these trade routes in mind one can easily see that Jordan has long been of prime strategic importance: As early as the Biblical Moabite kingdom and the Nabatean kingdom in Petra; to the Greeks, Romans, and Islamic Dynasties; being followed by the Ottoman Empire of the Turks; the British; and then finally today the ruling Hashemite monarchy – All have struggled for control of this valuable land where all roads in the Middle East intersect, but few have lasted in this land that has been deemed an ungovernable by so many.
Today’s present Jordan began with the leadership of the Ottoman Turks who had subdivided then called, Transjordan, into three divisions. In 1894 after forty years of rebellion in the region of Bilad al-Sharat the Ottoman Empire finally sent troops into Transjordan to establish garrisons and maintain the law and order. Rebels were granted a general amnesty and sheikhs were assigned monthly stipends to secure their collaboration. Ottoman administration was re-established through councils where all provinces, regions, and districts were represented. Soon minor agricultural prosperity returned and new villages were built where others had been abandoned.
Two revolts broke out against the Turks in 1905 and then again in 1910. At times the Turks intentions of establishing law and order clashed with the traditional way of life, as well as with local interests, especially when the officials were rude and acted thoughtlessly towards local custom. More over, modernization was seen as a threat to the power that was traditionally enjoyed by the sheiks. After seven years of revolt the Ottoman Empire granted an amnesty throughout the empire and the uprisings died down. When WWI broke out in 1914 the Turks had just gained a firm control over Transjordan.
In 1916 Sharif Hussein declared the Great Arab Revolt and Arabs from all over the Middle East came to join his forces that were backed by the British government. It is important to state that Sharif Hussein and his two sons, Abdullah and Feisal, were devotedly followed into battle against the ruling Turks because of more than the Arabs general displeasure with those who governed them. Hussein was a Hashemite, or descendant of the prophet Muhammad through his daughter Fatima and first cousin Ali (Alids) and their son Hassan.
Shiite Muslims believed only descendants of the Prophet could be legitimate caliphs, while the Sunni Muslims merely accepted that they were a part of history and the most qualified person for a position should be used regardless of their ancestry. Both sects of Islam gave the Hashemites special reverence, because throughout history they had been sought out for leadership with all forms of complicated matters as the best representatives of Islam. This aspect, as well as a historical emirate outside of Mecca which was unique to the Ottoman Empire, made them key leaders when Arab Nationalism first began to become of interest to urban Arabs in Syria at the turn of the 20th Century.
Sharif Feisal is historically more recognizable for the large role he played in the Arab Revolt and later in history, as well as his personal magnetism, which he commonly used for his own political purposes. Abdullah on the other hand was frank with those around him, including his father, and always felt less favored. He was the son that Hussein would consult on both private and public matters, but he frequently felt as if he was the lesser of the brothers (Hussein also had an elder son, Ali, that was had poor health).
Abdullah was described as being open and at times transparent, and unable to keep a secret, but this later would come one of his most valuable virtues in working with both the Arabs and British, though it won him nothing in the beginning. T.E. Lawrence also described him as being, “too balanced, too cool, too humorous” and was “a tool too complex for such a simple purpose,” referring to the kingship in Syria. With that in mind Feisal was appointed king of a Syria that had been divided to the French during the WWI. Abdullah went to the Hijaz as his father’s foreign minister and field marshal.
On March 8, 1920 the Syrian Congress named Feisal king of Syria and Abdullah king over Iraq. When the French invaded Damascus that July Feisal fled to Europe leaving Transjordan in disarray, and Abdullah decided that it was time to resign from his father’s services and board a train bound for Syria with the purpose of regaining what his brother had lost. On November 11, 1920 Abdullah arrived in Mann, while his brother headed into Iraq to claim its kingship. In the end Abdullah would only succeed in regaining control over the small part of the Syrian kingdom that today is Jordan.
In 1921 the British decided to allow Abdullah to be the emir of Transjordan as long as he did not try to liberate all of Syria. It was also in this year that the allied forces officially finished drawing the lines of the political map of the Middle East that for the most part still apply today. In many cases grouping together regions that had previously been separate countries, and separating others that had been one.
During that year Abdullah officially handed over his claim of Iraq to his brother Feisal, and it would be a mere year later that Iraq would receive it’s independence from Britain. Jordan on the other hand went through several stages, first Britain officially recognized the Hashemite government in 1923 in London; then in 1928 the Anglo-Transjordanian agreement was agreed upon in Jerusalem, which transferred it from being a mandated territory to an official imara in its own right; but it wasn’t until February of 1946, after the conclusion of WWII that the British granted Transjordan full independence. It was at this time that King Abdullah changed the name of the country from Transjordan to Jordan.
Just months after Jordan gained its own independence the British mandate in Palestine came to an end, and the British troops pulled out without leaving any form of a government. The Jews quickly began to claim land that had not previously been agreed upon, so Syria, Iraq, Egypt, and Jordan sent in troops to help the Palestinians who were being murdered by the Irgun and Stern groups, and to reclaim land. Abdullah was in charge of these troops, but of the forces that had been sent only the Iraqi soldiers would follow his orders, and the troops in the end caused more harm than good. Of all the troops the Jordanian soldiers took the most land and later what is now the West Bank in Israel was granted to Jordan for the Palestinian people.
From the beginning of the fighting countless Palestinians began to cross the border to Jordan, which was the closest place for them to find safety. After Israel declared itself a country Jordan was the only country that granted these refugees citizenship, as well as a place in the Jordanian parliament, but many of them saw it as a political move on Abdullah’s part and were angry that they had lost their citizenship in Palestine. It was this anger and blame that ended in the death of Abdullah on Friday, July 20, 1951 when a young Palestinian man stepped out from a crowd in Jerusalem and killed Abdullah instantly with a shot to the head. His grandson Hussein had been the only family member to accompany him on this trip to the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem that day.
Initially, Abdullah’s son Talal was named his successor to the throne, but he suffered from schizophrenia and soon his son would take his place. When Hussein was appointed king he was still 17, and had to wait for one year before he could officially take over the throne. The Arab Nationalists, Baath party, and communists made it difficult for Hussein to practice as much open democracy as he would like. Within a short time period he had to send a message to get through to them that he would not allow them to take over the public opinion and the monarchy. Tensions in the country did mount until there were riots in Amman in 1954 and 1955; it was at this time that Hussein made the decision for a major change in policy. The British were completely dissociated with the military that up until that point they had still trained, and there were many changes in government officials and policies.
On April 13 1957 General Abu Nuwar planned an assassination attempt on King Hussein, but his movements had been under watch for some time and his plans were easily thwarted within hours. He was allowed to leave Jordan the following day, first he went to Egypt where he lived for almost 10 years. As a show of support the U.S. government sent fourteen units from the Sixth Fleet that was stationed in Italy as a sign of support for the King.
Since the early 1950’s King Nasser of Egypt had been seen as the man who would reunite the Middle East into a Pan-Arabic state, and this was not something that would easily fade. His support of the Palestinians and attempts of treaties between Syria and Iraq only strengthened his opinion among the Arab peoples, and soon Nasserism was a full-fledged obsession among many. It was this devotion that lead to another attempt on the King’s life with 13 of his military officers while he was in London, but as before they were caught before their plans were able to be brought forth.
King Hussein made several attempts to enter into agreements with Nasser, but it wasn’t until after Nasser began to lose favor with his involvement in the Yemani war and failed Egypt-Syrian-Iraqi treaty that he began to see himself as being equal with the other leaders of the region. In 1964 a conference was called in Cairo to discuss the growing issue with the Israeli’s intentions of using the water from the Jordan River to irrigate the Negav Desert; the general conclusion was to try to restrict water access to Lake Tiberius where the Israeli’s were going to drain the water from. The leaders that had come together also discussed the formation of the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO), placing Ahmed Shukairy as the leader. Shukairy was a lawyer who had worked with the former Palestinian leader, Hajj Amin al-Husseini. As a show of support King Hussein hosted the first Palestinian National Congress in Jerusalem on May 28, 1964 with over 400 delegates present.
From this point on Palestinians clamored for the king to hand control of the West Bank over to the PLO. Other countries supported this notion, and it was not until May 28, 1966 that King Hussein chose to reopen contacts with Nasser. Hussein proposed offering the Jordan military into an agreement with Egypt and Syria if there should be a war against Israel. This agreement was accepted on May 30, 1967, as long as Hussein accepted the PLO leader and agreed to take him back to Amman with him on his aircraft. Syria refused to stand by this agreement and denounced it as a betrayal to the Arab cause. King Hussein announced this on June 3rd at a press conference along with an expected attack from Israel, two days later Israel attacked and by June 11th Israel had overtaken the West Bank, Golan Heights, Gaza Strip, and the Sinai (which they would later return to Egypt) in only six days.
After the Six Day War Hussein and Jordan were blamed for the losses the Palestinians had suffered. The United Nations attempted to intervene by bringing Israel and the Arab nations to the table. In the U.N.’s Resolution 242 Israel was to return occupied territories to the Palestinians, but it was never specified which territories, and the Palestinians were left feeling more frustrated than ever before. Eventually, the Sinai Peninsula would be returned to Egypt, but that would be the only part of the occupied lands that would be returned until 2005. While tackling this political problem Jordan also had to deal with the influx of Palestinian Refugees that were pouring into the country, making the population more than 50% Palestinian.
It was at this time that Palestinian resistance (musqawama) and the Palestinian revolution (thawra) began to take an openly defiant stand without any political backing. The Jordan government was not strong enough to keep the Palestinian fedayeen from operating at their border, but they felt competent they could handle the issue. Constant Israeli bombing soon made these groups more inward and the Wahadat and Husseini refugee camps in Amman became separate republics housing not only Palestinians, but supporters from surrounding countries.
In October of 1968 there was a radio broadcast that began a clash between a group called the al-Nasr (the Victory) and the police. Tahar Dablan, the leader, was captured and sentenced to death. After that the Palestinians did not trust the Jordanian authorities and the Jordanians simply did not want the Palestinian fedayeen in their country. These fedayeen actions did awaken for the first time a Jordanian national pride in the populace, where previously it had not existed.
In 1970 the government began to limit the freedom of the fedayeen organizations and in return they began to defy these efforts. Agreements had been reached by both sides on June 8th, 1970, but the next day the fedayeen opened fire on the Mukhbarat (Jordanian secret service) headquarters in Amman. When the king came to investigate the issue his motorcade came under serious fire and one of his soldiers was killed. Immediately the refugee camps were shelled and the conflict between the two forces lasted for three days. While this was taking place another Palestinian group kidnapped fifty-eight foreigners from two hotels in Amman, and demanded that the shelling of the camps stop before they would be released. On July 10th a new agreement was drawn up and signed by Yasser Arafat for the PLO. The terms agreed upon were that the Jordanian government would recognize a Palestinian “central committee” and permit the fedayeen free movement in the country, as long as they disbanded their bases and arms depots within the cities, and stopped carrying their weapons in the streets. Arafat urged the Palestinian organizations to stay clear of all Jordanian politics in fear that the much stronger Jordanian military would seek retribution.
On September 6th, the fedayeen hijacked three international airline flights. A Pan-Am flight was landed in Cairo, and after all of the passengers and crew were released it was blown up. The other two aircraft, TWA and Swissair were landed north-east of Amman at a desert airstrip called Dawson Field. These 310 passengers were not released and the PFLP threatened to blow up the aircrafts if the fedayeen imprisoned in Western Europe and Israel were not released within seven days. On September 9th another aircraft was hijacked, a BOAC airliner, with 115 passengers and crew on board and taken to Dawson Field. All 425 passengers were allowed to disembark from the planes on September 12th, and then the aircraft were blown up. 371 of these people were freed immediately, while 54 were kept as hostages for around two weeks.
On September 16th the Jordanian government sent in its military for a final sweep of Palestinian groups. Open fire began on the two refugee camps where the fedayeen headquarters were based and once the initial attack was finished the military swept the city for 10 days. The death toll according to PLO figures in the first eleven days of fighting was 3,400. On September 20th Syria sent 200 tanks across the border to fight against the Jordanians. At the request of the United States Israel sent its troops to the Syrian border to show they would not allow any of this on their territory and the Jordanian air force went into swift action destroying 75 of the tanks.
In March of 1971 the Jordanian army drove the Palestinian fedayeen out of the town of Irbid and into the forests between Jerash and Ajlun. The PLO leadership complied quickly, but feeling humiliated for this action they proceeded to launch guerilla attacks on Jordanian army patrols and installations in the area. On July 13th the Jordanian army launched its final attack, and by July 18th it was over. The following day the PLO in Jordan ceased to exist. That fall the Jordanian prime minister, Wasfi al-Tall, was assassinated in Cairo by a new Palestinian commando group called Black September. Nearly a month later the Jordanian ambassador in London, Zeid Rifai, barely escaped an assassination attempt when his car came under heavy gun fire.
After 1971 the Hashemite Monarchy was mainly devoted to internal issues and national unity. After fifty years of leading Jordan the country was just beginning to experience a measure of peace. There were issues with the PLO, but they would not discuss reconciliation until their forces were allowed back into Jordan, so the talks never amounted to much. In 1973 Saddat released the murders of Wasfi al-Tall from prison, where they went directly to Lebanon for protection. King Hussein took this as a very unfriendly sign and consequently did not participate in the war between Israel and Egypt in 1974.
In 1982 United States President Reagan launched the Reagan Plan in September, calling for a self-governing Palestinian authority in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, but would not recognize the PLO and refused to talk with its leaders. Between October 1982 and April 1983, Arafat visited Amman four times to discuss the implementation of the Reagan Plan with King Hussein. The discussions dragged on until 1985 when Arafat initialed an agreement with King Hussein. The Amman accord did little to help either party, and only raised Palestinian suspicions. As tensions had once built up before within Jordan, this time the explosion was within Israel with the first intifada in 1987. On July 31st, 1988 King Hussein formally renounced his claim to the West Bank in a televised speech. On November 8th, 1989 women were allowed to vote and run for office for the first time and the fairness of the election was recognized by winners and losers alike.
From 1980-1988 Jordan would support Iraq against Iran in its war, and this position gave the country a great sense of nationalist pride. Most countries cancelled the debts Iraq had incurred throughout the eight years of war, but Kuwait demanded that the loans stay on the books. This action initiated a military move against Kuwait that was both regionally and internationally wrong. Last minute attempts at diplomacy failed, and while Jordan recognized that this was unacceptable they would not join forces with the United States against Iraq, though they did agree to the sanctions that the United Nations placed on Iraq at that time. This move lowered the relations of Jordan with the United States, but they still stand together as allies.
Overall, Jordan has made great strides that other countries have tried and failed at many times before and since. While, there may still be issued as of yet unresolved the country has a strong internal core, as well as a backing of international allies. The Hashemite monarchy has managed to successfully work along side his fellow Arabs and those from the West, and with this continued support they are sure to make it further still.
After reading this book I can greatly appreciate King Abdullah, and King Hussein. These men have put into action a democratic monarchy in a land where many governments can not find footing. I do think that perhaps this book is a little biased towards the Hashemites, as there is never mention throughout the book of any wrong done. Other countries and rulers frequently have their mistakes brought out, but as far as the monarchy of Jordan they seem squeaky clean from this narrative. Because I have worked with Amnesty International I know that Jordan has a reputation for torturing prisoners and letting off perpetrators of honor crimes out of a cultural relativistic viewpoint. I am very interested to see how all of this plays out in the history of Jordan from more than one perspective.
One trail to the west followed the outline of the mountains of the Hijaz to reach Syria through Maan; while another followed the coast of the Hijaz and passed through Aqaba before reaching Maan. It was at this point that these two trails formed the infamous, “Kings Highway,” or Via Nova Trajana to the Romans. In Islamic times this route was part of what came to be known as Darb al-Hajj or Tariq al-Hajj – The pilgrimage road taken yearly by the faithful to Damascus on their way to Mecca.
The capital of Jordan, Amman, began its modern day revolution in 1908 when it became a main station in the Hijaz Railway that had been newly created by the Ottoman Turks to make pilgrimage route more accessible from Damascus to Medina.
Bearing these trade routes in mind one can easily see that Jordan has long been of prime strategic importance: As early as the Biblical Moabite kingdom and the Nabatean kingdom in Petra; to the Greeks, Romans, and Islamic Dynasties; being followed by the Ottoman Empire of the Turks; the British; and then finally today the ruling Hashemite monarchy – All have struggled for control of this valuable land where all roads in the Middle East intersect, but few have lasted in this land that has been deemed an ungovernable by so many.
Today’s present Jordan began with the leadership of the Ottoman Turks who had subdivided then called, Transjordan, into three divisions. In 1894 after forty years of rebellion in the region of Bilad al-Sharat the Ottoman Empire finally sent troops into Transjordan to establish garrisons and maintain the law and order. Rebels were granted a general amnesty and sheikhs were assigned monthly stipends to secure their collaboration. Ottoman administration was re-established through councils where all provinces, regions, and districts were represented. Soon minor agricultural prosperity returned and new villages were built where others had been abandoned.
Two revolts broke out against the Turks in 1905 and then again in 1910. At times the Turks intentions of establishing law and order clashed with the traditional way of life, as well as with local interests, especially when the officials were rude and acted thoughtlessly towards local custom. More over, modernization was seen as a threat to the power that was traditionally enjoyed by the sheiks. After seven years of revolt the Ottoman Empire granted an amnesty throughout the empire and the uprisings died down. When WWI broke out in 1914 the Turks had just gained a firm control over Transjordan.
In 1916 Sharif Hussein declared the Great Arab Revolt and Arabs from all over the Middle East came to join his forces that were backed by the British government. It is important to state that Sharif Hussein and his two sons, Abdullah and Feisal, were devotedly followed into battle against the ruling Turks because of more than the Arabs general displeasure with those who governed them. Hussein was a Hashemite, or descendant of the prophet Muhammad through his daughter Fatima and first cousin Ali (Alids) and their son Hassan.
Shiite Muslims believed only descendants of the Prophet could be legitimate caliphs, while the Sunni Muslims merely accepted that they were a part of history and the most qualified person for a position should be used regardless of their ancestry. Both sects of Islam gave the Hashemites special reverence, because throughout history they had been sought out for leadership with all forms of complicated matters as the best representatives of Islam. This aspect, as well as a historical emirate outside of Mecca which was unique to the Ottoman Empire, made them key leaders when Arab Nationalism first began to become of interest to urban Arabs in Syria at the turn of the 20th Century.
Sharif Feisal is historically more recognizable for the large role he played in the Arab Revolt and later in history, as well as his personal magnetism, which he commonly used for his own political purposes. Abdullah on the other hand was frank with those around him, including his father, and always felt less favored. He was the son that Hussein would consult on both private and public matters, but he frequently felt as if he was the lesser of the brothers (Hussein also had an elder son, Ali, that was had poor health).
Abdullah was described as being open and at times transparent, and unable to keep a secret, but this later would come one of his most valuable virtues in working with both the Arabs and British, though it won him nothing in the beginning. T.E. Lawrence also described him as being, “too balanced, too cool, too humorous” and was “a tool too complex for such a simple purpose,” referring to the kingship in Syria. With that in mind Feisal was appointed king of a Syria that had been divided to the French during the WWI. Abdullah went to the Hijaz as his father’s foreign minister and field marshal.
On March 8, 1920 the Syrian Congress named Feisal king of Syria and Abdullah king over Iraq. When the French invaded Damascus that July Feisal fled to Europe leaving Transjordan in disarray, and Abdullah decided that it was time to resign from his father’s services and board a train bound for Syria with the purpose of regaining what his brother had lost. On November 11, 1920 Abdullah arrived in Mann, while his brother headed into Iraq to claim its kingship. In the end Abdullah would only succeed in regaining control over the small part of the Syrian kingdom that today is Jordan.
In 1921 the British decided to allow Abdullah to be the emir of Transjordan as long as he did not try to liberate all of Syria. It was also in this year that the allied forces officially finished drawing the lines of the political map of the Middle East that for the most part still apply today. In many cases grouping together regions that had previously been separate countries, and separating others that had been one.
During that year Abdullah officially handed over his claim of Iraq to his brother Feisal, and it would be a mere year later that Iraq would receive it’s independence from Britain. Jordan on the other hand went through several stages, first Britain officially recognized the Hashemite government in 1923 in London; then in 1928 the Anglo-Transjordanian agreement was agreed upon in Jerusalem, which transferred it from being a mandated territory to an official imara in its own right; but it wasn’t until February of 1946, after the conclusion of WWII that the British granted Transjordan full independence. It was at this time that King Abdullah changed the name of the country from Transjordan to Jordan.
Just months after Jordan gained its own independence the British mandate in Palestine came to an end, and the British troops pulled out without leaving any form of a government. The Jews quickly began to claim land that had not previously been agreed upon, so Syria, Iraq, Egypt, and Jordan sent in troops to help the Palestinians who were being murdered by the Irgun and Stern groups, and to reclaim land. Abdullah was in charge of these troops, but of the forces that had been sent only the Iraqi soldiers would follow his orders, and the troops in the end caused more harm than good. Of all the troops the Jordanian soldiers took the most land and later what is now the West Bank in Israel was granted to Jordan for the Palestinian people.
From the beginning of the fighting countless Palestinians began to cross the border to Jordan, which was the closest place for them to find safety. After Israel declared itself a country Jordan was the only country that granted these refugees citizenship, as well as a place in the Jordanian parliament, but many of them saw it as a political move on Abdullah’s part and were angry that they had lost their citizenship in Palestine. It was this anger and blame that ended in the death of Abdullah on Friday, July 20, 1951 when a young Palestinian man stepped out from a crowd in Jerusalem and killed Abdullah instantly with a shot to the head. His grandson Hussein had been the only family member to accompany him on this trip to the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem that day.
Initially, Abdullah’s son Talal was named his successor to the throne, but he suffered from schizophrenia and soon his son would take his place. When Hussein was appointed king he was still 17, and had to wait for one year before he could officially take over the throne. The Arab Nationalists, Baath party, and communists made it difficult for Hussein to practice as much open democracy as he would like. Within a short time period he had to send a message to get through to them that he would not allow them to take over the public opinion and the monarchy. Tensions in the country did mount until there were riots in Amman in 1954 and 1955; it was at this time that Hussein made the decision for a major change in policy. The British were completely dissociated with the military that up until that point they had still trained, and there were many changes in government officials and policies.
On April 13 1957 General Abu Nuwar planned an assassination attempt on King Hussein, but his movements had been under watch for some time and his plans were easily thwarted within hours. He was allowed to leave Jordan the following day, first he went to Egypt where he lived for almost 10 years. As a show of support the U.S. government sent fourteen units from the Sixth Fleet that was stationed in Italy as a sign of support for the King.
Since the early 1950’s King Nasser of Egypt had been seen as the man who would reunite the Middle East into a Pan-Arabic state, and this was not something that would easily fade. His support of the Palestinians and attempts of treaties between Syria and Iraq only strengthened his opinion among the Arab peoples, and soon Nasserism was a full-fledged obsession among many. It was this devotion that lead to another attempt on the King’s life with 13 of his military officers while he was in London, but as before they were caught before their plans were able to be brought forth.
King Hussein made several attempts to enter into agreements with Nasser, but it wasn’t until after Nasser began to lose favor with his involvement in the Yemani war and failed Egypt-Syrian-Iraqi treaty that he began to see himself as being equal with the other leaders of the region. In 1964 a conference was called in Cairo to discuss the growing issue with the Israeli’s intentions of using the water from the Jordan River to irrigate the Negav Desert; the general conclusion was to try to restrict water access to Lake Tiberius where the Israeli’s were going to drain the water from. The leaders that had come together also discussed the formation of the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO), placing Ahmed Shukairy as the leader. Shukairy was a lawyer who had worked with the former Palestinian leader, Hajj Amin al-Husseini. As a show of support King Hussein hosted the first Palestinian National Congress in Jerusalem on May 28, 1964 with over 400 delegates present.
From this point on Palestinians clamored for the king to hand control of the West Bank over to the PLO. Other countries supported this notion, and it was not until May 28, 1966 that King Hussein chose to reopen contacts with Nasser. Hussein proposed offering the Jordan military into an agreement with Egypt and Syria if there should be a war against Israel. This agreement was accepted on May 30, 1967, as long as Hussein accepted the PLO leader and agreed to take him back to Amman with him on his aircraft. Syria refused to stand by this agreement and denounced it as a betrayal to the Arab cause. King Hussein announced this on June 3rd at a press conference along with an expected attack from Israel, two days later Israel attacked and by June 11th Israel had overtaken the West Bank, Golan Heights, Gaza Strip, and the Sinai (which they would later return to Egypt) in only six days.
After the Six Day War Hussein and Jordan were blamed for the losses the Palestinians had suffered. The United Nations attempted to intervene by bringing Israel and the Arab nations to the table. In the U.N.’s Resolution 242 Israel was to return occupied territories to the Palestinians, but it was never specified which territories, and the Palestinians were left feeling more frustrated than ever before. Eventually, the Sinai Peninsula would be returned to Egypt, but that would be the only part of the occupied lands that would be returned until 2005. While tackling this political problem Jordan also had to deal with the influx of Palestinian Refugees that were pouring into the country, making the population more than 50% Palestinian.
It was at this time that Palestinian resistance (musqawama) and the Palestinian revolution (thawra) began to take an openly defiant stand without any political backing. The Jordan government was not strong enough to keep the Palestinian fedayeen from operating at their border, but they felt competent they could handle the issue. Constant Israeli bombing soon made these groups more inward and the Wahadat and Husseini refugee camps in Amman became separate republics housing not only Palestinians, but supporters from surrounding countries.
In October of 1968 there was a radio broadcast that began a clash between a group called the al-Nasr (the Victory) and the police. Tahar Dablan, the leader, was captured and sentenced to death. After that the Palestinians did not trust the Jordanian authorities and the Jordanians simply did not want the Palestinian fedayeen in their country. These fedayeen actions did awaken for the first time a Jordanian national pride in the populace, where previously it had not existed.
In 1970 the government began to limit the freedom of the fedayeen organizations and in return they began to defy these efforts. Agreements had been reached by both sides on June 8th, 1970, but the next day the fedayeen opened fire on the Mukhbarat (Jordanian secret service) headquarters in Amman. When the king came to investigate the issue his motorcade came under serious fire and one of his soldiers was killed. Immediately the refugee camps were shelled and the conflict between the two forces lasted for three days. While this was taking place another Palestinian group kidnapped fifty-eight foreigners from two hotels in Amman, and demanded that the shelling of the camps stop before they would be released. On July 10th a new agreement was drawn up and signed by Yasser Arafat for the PLO. The terms agreed upon were that the Jordanian government would recognize a Palestinian “central committee” and permit the fedayeen free movement in the country, as long as they disbanded their bases and arms depots within the cities, and stopped carrying their weapons in the streets. Arafat urged the Palestinian organizations to stay clear of all Jordanian politics in fear that the much stronger Jordanian military would seek retribution.
On September 6th, the fedayeen hijacked three international airline flights. A Pan-Am flight was landed in Cairo, and after all of the passengers and crew were released it was blown up. The other two aircraft, TWA and Swissair were landed north-east of Amman at a desert airstrip called Dawson Field. These 310 passengers were not released and the PFLP threatened to blow up the aircrafts if the fedayeen imprisoned in Western Europe and Israel were not released within seven days. On September 9th another aircraft was hijacked, a BOAC airliner, with 115 passengers and crew on board and taken to Dawson Field. All 425 passengers were allowed to disembark from the planes on September 12th, and then the aircraft were blown up. 371 of these people were freed immediately, while 54 were kept as hostages for around two weeks.
On September 16th the Jordanian government sent in its military for a final sweep of Palestinian groups. Open fire began on the two refugee camps where the fedayeen headquarters were based and once the initial attack was finished the military swept the city for 10 days. The death toll according to PLO figures in the first eleven days of fighting was 3,400. On September 20th Syria sent 200 tanks across the border to fight against the Jordanians. At the request of the United States Israel sent its troops to the Syrian border to show they would not allow any of this on their territory and the Jordanian air force went into swift action destroying 75 of the tanks.
In March of 1971 the Jordanian army drove the Palestinian fedayeen out of the town of Irbid and into the forests between Jerash and Ajlun. The PLO leadership complied quickly, but feeling humiliated for this action they proceeded to launch guerilla attacks on Jordanian army patrols and installations in the area. On July 13th the Jordanian army launched its final attack, and by July 18th it was over. The following day the PLO in Jordan ceased to exist. That fall the Jordanian prime minister, Wasfi al-Tall, was assassinated in Cairo by a new Palestinian commando group called Black September. Nearly a month later the Jordanian ambassador in London, Zeid Rifai, barely escaped an assassination attempt when his car came under heavy gun fire.
After 1971 the Hashemite Monarchy was mainly devoted to internal issues and national unity. After fifty years of leading Jordan the country was just beginning to experience a measure of peace. There were issues with the PLO, but they would not discuss reconciliation until their forces were allowed back into Jordan, so the talks never amounted to much. In 1973 Saddat released the murders of Wasfi al-Tall from prison, where they went directly to Lebanon for protection. King Hussein took this as a very unfriendly sign and consequently did not participate in the war between Israel and Egypt in 1974.
In 1982 United States President Reagan launched the Reagan Plan in September, calling for a self-governing Palestinian authority in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, but would not recognize the PLO and refused to talk with its leaders. Between October 1982 and April 1983, Arafat visited Amman four times to discuss the implementation of the Reagan Plan with King Hussein. The discussions dragged on until 1985 when Arafat initialed an agreement with King Hussein. The Amman accord did little to help either party, and only raised Palestinian suspicions. As tensions had once built up before within Jordan, this time the explosion was within Israel with the first intifada in 1987. On July 31st, 1988 King Hussein formally renounced his claim to the West Bank in a televised speech. On November 8th, 1989 women were allowed to vote and run for office for the first time and the fairness of the election was recognized by winners and losers alike.
From 1980-1988 Jordan would support Iraq against Iran in its war, and this position gave the country a great sense of nationalist pride. Most countries cancelled the debts Iraq had incurred throughout the eight years of war, but Kuwait demanded that the loans stay on the books. This action initiated a military move against Kuwait that was both regionally and internationally wrong. Last minute attempts at diplomacy failed, and while Jordan recognized that this was unacceptable they would not join forces with the United States against Iraq, though they did agree to the sanctions that the United Nations placed on Iraq at that time. This move lowered the relations of Jordan with the United States, but they still stand together as allies.
Overall, Jordan has made great strides that other countries have tried and failed at many times before and since. While, there may still be issued as of yet unresolved the country has a strong internal core, as well as a backing of international allies. The Hashemite monarchy has managed to successfully work along side his fellow Arabs and those from the West, and with this continued support they are sure to make it further still.
After reading this book I can greatly appreciate King Abdullah, and King Hussein. These men have put into action a democratic monarchy in a land where many governments can not find footing. I do think that perhaps this book is a little biased towards the Hashemites, as there is never mention throughout the book of any wrong done. Other countries and rulers frequently have their mistakes brought out, but as far as the monarchy of Jordan they seem squeaky clean from this narrative. Because I have worked with Amnesty International I know that Jordan has a reputation for torturing prisoners and letting off perpetrators of honor crimes out of a cultural relativistic viewpoint. I am very interested to see how all of this plays out in the history of Jordan from more than one perspective.
First Letter
Hey Everyone!!!
Sorry that it has taken me so long to write everyone! Life here has been crazy, but of course a blast :o) I've officially been in Jordan now for 8 or 9 days and I have loved every moment of it. The people are very friendly and will literally give you the shirt off of their back.
Hmmm…Where to start… I really don't know, there are so many things that I could say, so I suppose I will start off with saying a little about the structure of my life. I am with a program called SIT-Study Abroad (www.sit.edu/studyabroad); we have our own office in the Abdoun region of the city. For anyone who knows Amman it is the rich area of the city and all of the embassies are located here. School runs on a Muslim work week of Sunday-Thursday and we have class beginning at 8.30am. My family doesn't want me going the whole way alone in the morning, so they drive me to the main part of the city at 7am and then I take a taxi the rest of the way to Al Leetani St. We have Arabic lessons every day from 8.30 – 11.45am, lunch, and then we have a lecture in the afternoon. 3 days a week we study the hasty of the society from top speakers in the Muslim world and 2 days a week we focus on the techniques of field study. I am doing very well with my Arabic, and it always surprises me how quickly you pick something up when you are thrown into a strange situation. From the second day on I understood the Arabic numbers and how to communicate with cab drivers.
My family lives in the Khalda region of the city and it is mainly Christian, as is my family. I am still a little disappointed that I was placed with a Christian family, because I was very anxious to learn about Islam and Ramadan is coming on October 5th. The family is very nice though, and I have 3 sisters (Elaine, Grace, and Merna) that are my age, and a cousin (Raim) from Yemen that is visiting. They are Greek Orthodox, and very very very religious, but it is the Middle East and everyone stands by what they say they believe. The mother has a muscle disease that is similar to that of my mother's, so there are a lot of similarities there as well. The mother and father both speak very little English, but the sisters and cousin are fluent. Hospitality means everything to these people, and really that is because their lives have been built around a tribal system that survived on these principles. We have coffee when we first wake up, breakfast, and then later tea, and then about 2pm lunch which is the biggest meal. There is another tea of coffee break after that and then dinner is generally around 8 or 9pm, followed by fruit for dessert and more coffee or tea. It doesn't matter if I say no (la) they still put more food on my plate and demand that I eat more. It is traditional to refuse the food several times before they stop forcing food down your throat, and I spent this last weekend sick to my stomach with the amount of food… That and when I told them I was lactose intolerant they told me to try it and if I got sick then they would not make me drink milk anymore, so yeah I spent an afternoon sick and then they believed me. It is very important for them to believe that you are not refusing their hospitality, and in some tribal areas I've been told that if you refuse to eat with a family they may force you by gun point to sit down. So yeah, basically shut up and eat the food while thanking them profusely. Lol, it's a way of life to get used to, and I am adjusting. You have to initially take smaller portions and eat as slow as possible, so that they will not refill your plate. ;o) There are always ways around the game.
My first night with my family they took me to a traditional Jordanian wedding…It was Christian, so not entirely traditional, but otherwise very traditional. We started at the bride's house around 4pm where all of the female guests gathered to sing ancient tribal songs, scream, and wish the bride well with dancing (I was drug out to dance and you can imagine my humiliation – This white girl has no moves). After a couple of hours the groom came and took the bride away and everyone followed them out. The men were shooting off their guns and I was busy looking for the bullets that had to eventually come down.
At the church there was more dancing in front of the church and then the bride and groom headed in for the ceremony which was exactly like the one in "My Big Fat Greek Wedding." Since my family is the immediate aunt and uncle we had to stay till the very end when the million guests left and they took pictures.
Afterwards, I thought that we would be heading to the reception, but we went home to change into even fancier clothes for the reception that was at the Radisson Hotel. Once again there was dancing, from the lobby to the ballroom. The men were dressed in the traditional caftan and military regalia and the drumming, foot stomping, and singing was deafening.
The reception itself last until after 2.30am, but we went home then. There was modern dancing, traditional dancing, and lots of food. More than anything the people are about food!!!
So that was the first major cultural experience. This weekend we are going to Jerash, Bethany, and Madaba, and the week after I will be staying alone with the Bedouin for a week – No one will speak English. If I had more time I would write more, but I have to go to a café and it costs me. Write me with specific questions, and I will try to answer this next time.
Also, if you had something that you wanted to mail me the address is different than what I was originally told:
E-mail to get adress!!
The above address is for packages only, and you should use DHL, UPS, or FEDEX world air mail.
If you do plan on mailing me anything, please stop by October 31st, because it generally takes about a month for it to get to me, and I will not get it after I leave for my independent study.
Ok, I think that is it for now. I will try to get pictures up on-line and things in the mail, but I do not even know where the post office is. Also write to this address, because it is easier for me.
Lotsa Luv -Danie
Sorry that it has taken me so long to write everyone! Life here has been crazy, but of course a blast :o) I've officially been in Jordan now for 8 or 9 days and I have loved every moment of it. The people are very friendly and will literally give you the shirt off of their back.
Hmmm…Where to start… I really don't know, there are so many things that I could say, so I suppose I will start off with saying a little about the structure of my life. I am with a program called SIT-Study Abroad (www.sit.edu/studyabroad); we have our own office in the Abdoun region of the city. For anyone who knows Amman it is the rich area of the city and all of the embassies are located here. School runs on a Muslim work week of Sunday-Thursday and we have class beginning at 8.30am. My family doesn't want me going the whole way alone in the morning, so they drive me to the main part of the city at 7am and then I take a taxi the rest of the way to Al Leetani St. We have Arabic lessons every day from 8.30 – 11.45am, lunch, and then we have a lecture in the afternoon. 3 days a week we study the hasty of the society from top speakers in the Muslim world and 2 days a week we focus on the techniques of field study. I am doing very well with my Arabic, and it always surprises me how quickly you pick something up when you are thrown into a strange situation. From the second day on I understood the Arabic numbers and how to communicate with cab drivers.
My family lives in the Khalda region of the city and it is mainly Christian, as is my family. I am still a little disappointed that I was placed with a Christian family, because I was very anxious to learn about Islam and Ramadan is coming on October 5th. The family is very nice though, and I have 3 sisters (Elaine, Grace, and Merna) that are my age, and a cousin (Raim) from Yemen that is visiting. They are Greek Orthodox, and very very very religious, but it is the Middle East and everyone stands by what they say they believe. The mother has a muscle disease that is similar to that of my mother's, so there are a lot of similarities there as well. The mother and father both speak very little English, but the sisters and cousin are fluent. Hospitality means everything to these people, and really that is because their lives have been built around a tribal system that survived on these principles. We have coffee when we first wake up, breakfast, and then later tea, and then about 2pm lunch which is the biggest meal. There is another tea of coffee break after that and then dinner is generally around 8 or 9pm, followed by fruit for dessert and more coffee or tea. It doesn't matter if I say no (la) they still put more food on my plate and demand that I eat more. It is traditional to refuse the food several times before they stop forcing food down your throat, and I spent this last weekend sick to my stomach with the amount of food… That and when I told them I was lactose intolerant they told me to try it and if I got sick then they would not make me drink milk anymore, so yeah I spent an afternoon sick and then they believed me. It is very important for them to believe that you are not refusing their hospitality, and in some tribal areas I've been told that if you refuse to eat with a family they may force you by gun point to sit down. So yeah, basically shut up and eat the food while thanking them profusely. Lol, it's a way of life to get used to, and I am adjusting. You have to initially take smaller portions and eat as slow as possible, so that they will not refill your plate. ;o) There are always ways around the game.
My first night with my family they took me to a traditional Jordanian wedding…It was Christian, so not entirely traditional, but otherwise very traditional. We started at the bride's house around 4pm where all of the female guests gathered to sing ancient tribal songs, scream, and wish the bride well with dancing (I was drug out to dance and you can imagine my humiliation – This white girl has no moves). After a couple of hours the groom came and took the bride away and everyone followed them out. The men were shooting off their guns and I was busy looking for the bullets that had to eventually come down.
At the church there was more dancing in front of the church and then the bride and groom headed in for the ceremony which was exactly like the one in "My Big Fat Greek Wedding." Since my family is the immediate aunt and uncle we had to stay till the very end when the million guests left and they took pictures.
Afterwards, I thought that we would be heading to the reception, but we went home to change into even fancier clothes for the reception that was at the Radisson Hotel. Once again there was dancing, from the lobby to the ballroom. The men were dressed in the traditional caftan and military regalia and the drumming, foot stomping, and singing was deafening.
The reception itself last until after 2.30am, but we went home then. There was modern dancing, traditional dancing, and lots of food. More than anything the people are about food!!!
So that was the first major cultural experience. This weekend we are going to Jerash, Bethany, and Madaba, and the week after I will be staying alone with the Bedouin for a week – No one will speak English. If I had more time I would write more, but I have to go to a café and it costs me. Write me with specific questions, and I will try to answer this next time.
Also, if you had something that you wanted to mail me the address is different than what I was originally told:
E-mail to get adress!!
The above address is for packages only, and you should use DHL, UPS, or FEDEX world air mail.
If you do plan on mailing me anything, please stop by October 31st, because it generally takes about a month for it to get to me, and I will not get it after I leave for my independent study.
Ok, I think that is it for now. I will try to get pictures up on-line and things in the mail, but I do not even know where the post office is. Also write to this address, because it is easier for me.
Lotsa Luv -Danie
02 September 2005
My Hopes, Goals, Fears, & Expectations
Visiting the Middle East has been my dream since early childhood, and now my dreams are finally coming true. Though I only have 3.5 months to learn from these people it is my hope that they will be open in the sharing of their lives, and that I will be able to keep an open mind in what I learn from them. I hope to learn of the society and the people, and to find the humanity that lies behind the stereotypes and stigma that we so often see here in the Midwest United States. I hope that I will adapt quickly and that I will learn to be an observer that sees beyond the exterior of her surroundings.
It is my goal to visit, if not volunteer at a family planning clinic. I want to see how the average Jordanian, both male and female, responds to family planning, and to achieve a hands on knowledge of the daily life of those who run the clinic. I also have the same goals of visiting and possibly volunteering in a Palestinian Refugee Camp. I want to see how men and women live in these camps and what their hopes, goals, fears, and expectations are for the future. Often I hear that the Jordanian population see things vastly differently from what the government and monarchy portray to the rest of the world; I want to see if this is so, and how it differs.
I fear that the average American stereotype is somewhat true and that I will find I am ostracized and pointed out because of my race and gender. I fear that the men will pinpoint me as easy prey and make each day a trial. More than anything I fear that I am not strong enough to make it through these 3.5 months, and I will come home having wasted the government’s scholarship, and let down all those who have put so much faith in me.
Honestly, I do not know what to expect beyond having the basics (room and board, and studies) covered. I expect that I will learn more than I ever thought was possible and I will find that I am in for more than I bargained while I was in the safety of my home.
It is my goal to visit, if not volunteer at a family planning clinic. I want to see how the average Jordanian, both male and female, responds to family planning, and to achieve a hands on knowledge of the daily life of those who run the clinic. I also have the same goals of visiting and possibly volunteering in a Palestinian Refugee Camp. I want to see how men and women live in these camps and what their hopes, goals, fears, and expectations are for the future. Often I hear that the Jordanian population see things vastly differently from what the government and monarchy portray to the rest of the world; I want to see if this is so, and how it differs.
I fear that the average American stereotype is somewhat true and that I will find I am ostracized and pointed out because of my race and gender. I fear that the men will pinpoint me as easy prey and make each day a trial. More than anything I fear that I am not strong enough to make it through these 3.5 months, and I will come home having wasted the government’s scholarship, and let down all those who have put so much faith in me.
Honestly, I do not know what to expect beyond having the basics (room and board, and studies) covered. I expect that I will learn more than I ever thought was possible and I will find that I am in for more than I bargained while I was in the safety of my home.
My Prejudices
My feelings and prejudices about the Middle East are as mixed now as they have ever been - if not more so. Since I am not from this culture, and I have never spent time there, I do not feel that I have a right to judge them. I have spent my college career specializing on women’s rights, so when I hear of honor killings and prisons full of women whose charges are mere rumors or doing things that I take for granted my heart breaks.
I have never been a person to hate, but to seek out understanding, so in this issue I am doing the same. I want to understand what leads to such actions and if education, as we are taught in the West, is the key to "enlightenment". If women are given choices will they choose tradition, or an easier path for their lives? Will they be able to withstand the scorn of their communities for this choice? Are there men who would stand behind those decisions with them? … These questions and many others continue to swirl through my head and I wonder how many are based in my own biases and prejudices and how many are legitimate questions.
I work on my campus with Amnesty International and the Sierra Club’s population division, so I am constantly reminded of every person’s shared humanity. I know there are fundamentalists that seek to return Islam to what it once was, but I also know that there are the same factions within Christianity and Judaism, as other religions, that express their concern in their own unique and often terribly painful ways.
As with any of my travels my concern is that my knowledge is purely academic in nature and while my work with AI has left my heart torn on the issues of occupied Palestine, all I know is what I have been able to glean from my very biased surroundings. Living in the Midwest those around me have a very stereotypical American idea of the Middle East and it’s people. In their minds each man, woman, and child of Arabic decent is of the same fundamentalist mindset, with no divisions in loyalties, beliefs, or morals.
I take all of these turns of the mind into myself and I wonder what is right- what I should believe. The quality of life of the everyday people is what I care about, so I do not spend my time worrying about terrorism, or other such issues that consume the American frame of mind. In saying then, my prejudice must be against the men of the Middle East. I know that they can’t all view their women through the same lens that demands their death in the name of honor, or others that practice illegal trafficking for a profit, but what of the ones that do? I fear that they are the majority of the men there, and that when I arrive I will be viewed as a being whose value is entirely based on sex. I have this fear that could be a prejudice that maybe; just maybe, women are fine with their lives and do not care to break free of their social bonds. I think I feel this way, because I see it in my own society, where women will not be as socially ridiculed for their choices.
I have never been a person to hate, but to seek out understanding, so in this issue I am doing the same. I want to understand what leads to such actions and if education, as we are taught in the West, is the key to "enlightenment". If women are given choices will they choose tradition, or an easier path for their lives? Will they be able to withstand the scorn of their communities for this choice? Are there men who would stand behind those decisions with them? … These questions and many others continue to swirl through my head and I wonder how many are based in my own biases and prejudices and how many are legitimate questions.
I work on my campus with Amnesty International and the Sierra Club’s population division, so I am constantly reminded of every person’s shared humanity. I know there are fundamentalists that seek to return Islam to what it once was, but I also know that there are the same factions within Christianity and Judaism, as other religions, that express their concern in their own unique and often terribly painful ways.
As with any of my travels my concern is that my knowledge is purely academic in nature and while my work with AI has left my heart torn on the issues of occupied Palestine, all I know is what I have been able to glean from my very biased surroundings. Living in the Midwest those around me have a very stereotypical American idea of the Middle East and it’s people. In their minds each man, woman, and child of Arabic decent is of the same fundamentalist mindset, with no divisions in loyalties, beliefs, or morals.
I take all of these turns of the mind into myself and I wonder what is right- what I should believe. The quality of life of the everyday people is what I care about, so I do not spend my time worrying about terrorism, or other such issues that consume the American frame of mind. In saying then, my prejudice must be against the men of the Middle East. I know that they can’t all view their women through the same lens that demands their death in the name of honor, or others that practice illegal trafficking for a profit, but what of the ones that do? I fear that they are the majority of the men there, and that when I arrive I will be viewed as a being whose value is entirely based on sex. I have this fear that could be a prejudice that maybe; just maybe, women are fine with their lives and do not care to break free of their social bonds. I think I feel this way, because I see it in my own society, where women will not be as socially ridiculed for their choices.
30 August 2005
The Situation in Jordan
The Security Situation in JordanHassan A. Barari (expert on Jordan security)
Unsurprisingly, terrorists have been planning to hit more than onecountry in the region and Europe especially after the publicity theygained in the wake of September 11. Like all countries in the MiddleEast and some European countries, Jordan is one of the targetedcountries. After what happened in London on July 7, all places aretargeted. Yet, by all yardsticks, the security situation in Jordan isfar better than the rest of the Middle Eastern countries and far better than the situation in the United States. Over the last twodecades only two foreigners were killed including Folly from USAID.
Seen from this perspective, the rocket attack in Aqaba in itself isinsignificant and has no repercussions on the security situation inJordan. Life is going as normal and Amman is full of foreign tourists.I have been to big malls and talked to some individuals and people are notpanicking and many said that these things are always expected everywhere.
The attack in Aqaba was carried out by Iraqis and against an Americanwarship and Israel. Had they sought to harm Jordan, they would havetargeted Jordanian civilians. Furthermore, the terrorists' ability tohit Jordan is far less than their ability to hit any other country inthe region or Europe. It is well known, that the Jordanianintelligence department is closely following terrorists activitiesall over the region. These fundamentalist groups are penetrated by theJordanian security apparatus and they have not managed to hit Jordan overthe last two decades.
Terrorists' main activities are directed against American and Britishtargets in Iraq. Jordan is watching closely these activities and ithas managed with great success to man its borders and prevented allterrorists from coming to Jordan. The security apparatus in Jordan andparticularly the intelligence department is probably the mostefficient and successful security apparatus in the region. It hasmanaged to foil several attempts in the past and frequently warns othercountries from possible attacks.
Additionally, Jordan is not a tempting place for terrorists as they regularlyseek places that give them prominence and visibility. Egypt is seen asa strong country that can check the Americans but does not do it. Forterrorists, this country should be 'punished' and that is why they focuson Egypt and Saudi Arabia. Moreover, there is a unifying front in Jordanwho all believe: the security situation is an asset tothe country that should be safeguarded.
For this reason terroists focus on the United States, Britain and Israel.In the Middle East, the focus is on Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Turkey. If Iwere an American, knowing the situation as I do now, I would cometo study in Jordan with less risk than studying in New York. Putdifferently, the possibility of a student being hurt is very low. Iwould strongly suggest that this program carry on as planned.
Unsurprisingly, terrorists have been planning to hit more than onecountry in the region and Europe especially after the publicity theygained in the wake of September 11. Like all countries in the MiddleEast and some European countries, Jordan is one of the targetedcountries. After what happened in London on July 7, all places aretargeted. Yet, by all yardsticks, the security situation in Jordan isfar better than the rest of the Middle Eastern countries and far better than the situation in the United States. Over the last twodecades only two foreigners were killed including Folly from USAID.
Seen from this perspective, the rocket attack in Aqaba in itself isinsignificant and has no repercussions on the security situation inJordan. Life is going as normal and Amman is full of foreign tourists.I have been to big malls and talked to some individuals and people are notpanicking and many said that these things are always expected everywhere.
The attack in Aqaba was carried out by Iraqis and against an Americanwarship and Israel. Had they sought to harm Jordan, they would havetargeted Jordanian civilians. Furthermore, the terrorists' ability tohit Jordan is far less than their ability to hit any other country inthe region or Europe. It is well known, that the Jordanianintelligence department is closely following terrorists activitiesall over the region. These fundamentalist groups are penetrated by theJordanian security apparatus and they have not managed to hit Jordan overthe last two decades.
Terrorists' main activities are directed against American and Britishtargets in Iraq. Jordan is watching closely these activities and ithas managed with great success to man its borders and prevented allterrorists from coming to Jordan. The security apparatus in Jordan andparticularly the intelligence department is probably the mostefficient and successful security apparatus in the region. It hasmanaged to foil several attempts in the past and frequently warns othercountries from possible attacks.
Additionally, Jordan is not a tempting place for terrorists as they regularlyseek places that give them prominence and visibility. Egypt is seen asa strong country that can check the Americans but does not do it. Forterrorists, this country should be 'punished' and that is why they focuson Egypt and Saudi Arabia. Moreover, there is a unifying front in Jordanwho all believe: the security situation is an asset tothe country that should be safeguarded.
For this reason terroists focus on the United States, Britain and Israel.In the Middle East, the focus is on Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Turkey. If Iwere an American, knowing the situation as I do now, I would cometo study in Jordan with less risk than studying in New York. Putdifferently, the possibility of a student being hurt is very low. Iwould strongly suggest that this program carry on as planned.
29 August 2005
Schedule
Program Schedule
(This schedule is subject to changes based on curricular, logistical or security purposes.)
September 2 Arrive in NYC
September 3 Leave NYC
September 4 Lay-over at London, Heathrow
September 5 Arrive in Amman (Queen Alia Int’l Airport)
September 6-8 Orientation Period
September 9 Homestay begins with Jordanian families in Amman
September 11-15 Intensive Arabic Language, Thematic Seminars, Field Study Seminar
September 17 Educational Excursion: Um Qais, Ajloun, Jerash
September 18-22 Intensive Arabic Language, Thematic Seminars, Field Study
September 23-29 Rural Homestay
September 30 De-Briefing / Reflection of Learning Experience – Dead Sea – Bethany Beyond the Jordan
October 2-6 Intensive Arabic Language, Thematic Seminars, Field Study Seminar
October 8 Educational Excursion: Madaba, St. George’s, Mt. Nebo, Bethany
October 9-13 Intensive Arabic Language, Thematic Seminars, Field Study Seminar
October 13-20 Educational Excursion to Syria (conditions permitting)
October 22 De-Briefing / Reflection of Learning Experience – Abu Khalil’s
October 23-27 Intensive Arabic Language, Thematic Seminars, Field Study Seminar
October 29 Educational Excursion: Wadi Mujib or Desert Castles
October 30- November 3 Intensive Arabic Language, Thematic Seminars, Field Study Seminar
November 5-11 Educational Excursion to Petra/Wadi Rum, Karak & Dana
November 12 De-Briefing / Reflection of Learning Experience - Pella
November 13-17 Intensive Arabic Language, Thematic Seminars, Field Study Seminar
November 18 Home-stay Period Ends / ISP Period Begins
December 12-13 ISP Presentations
December 14-16 Evaluation & Re-Entry in Aqaba
December 17 End of Scheduled Program - Return to US
December 18 Return to Missouri from NYC
Websites
Please read the State Department’s Consular Information Sheet on Jordan (http://travel.state.gov/travel/cis_pa_tw/cis/cis_1149.html).
& please read the Jordan Times (www.jordantimes.com) for up to date information about Jordan and the surrounding areas.
Also: http://www.amnestyusa.org/countries/jordan/index.do
& please read the Jordan Times (www.jordantimes.com) for up to date information about Jordan and the surrounding areas.
Also: http://www.amnestyusa.org/countries/jordan/index.do
Hey Everyone :o)
AIM: gin and gloom
I am helping a teacher at my school with a class he is doing on peace and conflict mediation, so I will be sending him weekly updates on life in Amman, and to keep everyone else up to date I will be posting those letters on a separate blog at:
http://www.dsmentalmeanderings.blogspot.com
As always you can catch up with me at my other blog for more personal outtakes, but I do not know how much time I will have to post there…As everyone has seen I haven’t had time this summer really, so the trend may continue. I am going to try though.
If anyone has my cell phone number it will be my mother’s number for the time I am in Jordan. Cingular wanted to charge me $2.49 a minute to use their service in Jordan, so I will be getting a new SIM card when I enter the country. So if you call my number after the 2nd and you get my mother do not be alarmed! I will be back on that line when I return in December. For those of you that want my new cell phone number, just write me and I will give it to you, because it is free for me to receive ANY incoming call.
I have also started up a photo web community with photos from this past year, and I will continue to post photos from my travels on there as well, so check in for a view of my life in Amman.
http://community.webshots.com/user/epphnyskr
I think that is it from my end. If you do want to receive post cards from NYC and the Middle East you will need to write me ASAP, because my plane leaves at 8.30 am on Friday and I do not know when I will be able to check my mail again. Otherwise, have a great fall everyone and stay in contact!!! I will be back in Missouri on December 18th, so we will all have to catch up. *hugs*
Lotsa Luvings from this world traveler –
Danie
The beginning of my journey is drawing near, as I will be leaving for NYC this coming Friday (09/02), and then leaving the following evening for Jordan. I wanted to write and give everyone my contact information before I leave the US. I will be bringing my laptop, so whenever I do connect to the internet I will be on AIM for the brief time span that I am on-line.
My info is as follows:
E-mail me for my postal address
AIM: gin and gloom
I am helping a teacher at my school with a class he is doing on peace and conflict mediation, so I will be sending him weekly updates on life in Amman, and to keep everyone else up to date I will be posting those letters on a separate blog at:
http://www.dsmentalmeanderings.blogspot.com
As always you can catch up with me at my other blog for more personal outtakes, but I do not know how much time I will have to post there…As everyone has seen I haven’t had time this summer really, so the trend may continue. I am going to try though.
If anyone has my cell phone number it will be my mother’s number for the time I am in Jordan. Cingular wanted to charge me $2.49 a minute to use their service in Jordan, so I will be getting a new SIM card when I enter the country. So if you call my number after the 2nd and you get my mother do not be alarmed! I will be back on that line when I return in December. For those of you that want my new cell phone number, just write me and I will give it to you, because it is free for me to receive ANY incoming call.
I have also started up a photo web community with photos from this past year, and I will continue to post photos from my travels on there as well, so check in for a view of my life in Amman.
http://community.webshots.com/user/epphnyskr
I think that is it from my end. If you do want to receive post cards from NYC and the Middle East you will need to write me ASAP, because my plane leaves at 8.30 am on Friday and I do not know when I will be able to check my mail again. Otherwise, have a great fall everyone and stay in contact!!! I will be back in Missouri on December 18th, so we will all have to catch up. *hugs*
Lotsa Luvings from this world traveler –
Danie
21 June 2005
Nizar Kabbani
I found this poet in researching different Arabic literature. He has a lot of beautiful literature, but I love these two.
Women, The Knowledge of God
Tenderness fades in your eyes
Like circles of water,
Time, space, fields,
Houses, seas, ships
Disappear.
My face falls to the ground like a broken vase
That I carry in my hands,
Dreaming of a woman who will buy it,
But I am told
That women do not buy sad faces.
We reached the point
Where we did not know what to say
All subjects became the same
The foreground merged with the background.
We reached the peak of despair
Where the sky was a bullet,
Embracing was retaliation,
Making love was the severest punishment.
It is up to you to love me.
I do not know how to read your lips
To predict when
Water will explode beneath the sands,
I do not know
During which month
You will be more abundant
And fertile
Or on which day
You will be ready for
The communion of love.
I Will Tell You: I Love You
I will tell you: I love you
When all old love languages die
And nothing remains for lovers to say or do
Then my task
To move the stones of this world
Will begin.
I will tell you: I love you
When I feel
That my words are worthy of you
And the distance between your eyes
And my notebooks disappears,
I will say it when I am able
To evoke my childhood,
My horses, my troops
And my cardboard boats
And able to regain
The blue time with you
Upon Beirut’s shores
When you were tired,
Shivering like a fish between my fingers,
And I covered you
With a sheet made of summer stars.
I will tell you: I love you
When I am cured of my schizophrenia
And become a single person.
I will say it
When the city and the desert inside me
Are reconciled.
When all the tribes leave my blood,
When I will be free of the blue tattoo
Engraved on my body,
Free of old Arab remedies
Which I tried for thirty years
And which told me
To lash you eighty times
For being a woman.
Perhaps I will not say:
I love you.
It takes nine months
For a flower to bloom,
The night suffers a great deal
In giving birth to a star,
Humanity waits one thousand years
To produce a prophet,
Why don’t you wait then
To be my lover.
Women, The Knowledge of God
Tenderness fades in your eyes
Like circles of water,
Time, space, fields,
Houses, seas, ships
Disappear.
My face falls to the ground like a broken vase
That I carry in my hands,
Dreaming of a woman who will buy it,
But I am told
That women do not buy sad faces.
We reached the point
Where we did not know what to say
All subjects became the same
The foreground merged with the background.
We reached the peak of despair
Where the sky was a bullet,
Embracing was retaliation,
Making love was the severest punishment.
It is up to you to love me.
I do not know how to read your lips
To predict when
Water will explode beneath the sands,
I do not know
During which month
You will be more abundant
And fertile
Or on which day
You will be ready for
The communion of love.
I Will Tell You: I Love You
I will tell you: I love you
When all old love languages die
And nothing remains for lovers to say or do
Then my task
To move the stones of this world
Will begin.
I will tell you: I love you
When I feel
That my words are worthy of you
And the distance between your eyes
And my notebooks disappears,
I will say it when I am able
To evoke my childhood,
My horses, my troops
And my cardboard boats
And able to regain
The blue time with you
Upon Beirut’s shores
When you were tired,
Shivering like a fish between my fingers,
And I covered you
With a sheet made of summer stars.
I will tell you: I love you
When I am cured of my schizophrenia
And become a single person.
I will say it
When the city and the desert inside me
Are reconciled.
When all the tribes leave my blood,
When I will be free of the blue tattoo
Engraved on my body,
Free of old Arab remedies
Which I tried for thirty years
And which told me
To lash you eighty times
For being a woman.
Perhaps I will not say:
I love you.
It takes nine months
For a flower to bloom,
The night suffers a great deal
In giving birth to a star,
Humanity waits one thousand years
To produce a prophet,
Why don’t you wait then
To be my lover.
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